第一篇：林肯第二次就职演说

*second inaugural address by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865

#林肯第二次就职演说（1865年3月4日）

fellow-countrymen:

at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it. their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god"s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men"s faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. "woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet." if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of god, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman"s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said "the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether."

with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation"s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

各位同胞：

在这第二任就职的宣誓典礼上，不必像在第一任的时候那样做一个长篇的演说。在那时，对于当时所采取的政策多少作一点详细的说明，自然是适当的。现在四年任期届满，对于眼前这场为全国所关注并占用了全国力量的重大斗争的每一重要关头和方面，这四年已不断地发出公告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，为其他一切问题的关键所在，而各界人士对其情形和我同样了解，我深切相信，进展的状况可以使我们全体人民满意和信任。所以对于将来既然可以寄予极大的希望，那么我们在这一方面就用不着做什么预测了。

在四年前同一个场合里，所有的思虑都焦急地指向于一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽办法避免它。当正在这里就职演说的时候，尽心尽力地为了使联邦不再用战争手段而能保存，然而，城内叛变分子的内奸却在设法不用战争来破坏联邦，在设法瓦解联邦，而以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿意让国家生存。另一方则宁可接受打这场仗，也不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。

我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们不是遍布于全联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种奇特而有力的权益。大家知道大体上这种权益就是这场战争的原因。为了使这种权益加强，永久不变，而且予以扩大，叛变分子曾不惜用战争来分裂联邦，而政府则只要限制这种权益而使之区域化，并没有再多要求别的权利。当初，任何一方都没有想到战争会弄到目前这么大的范围和这么长的时间，也没有料想到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较为容易的胜利，都没有期盼一个基本和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷同一个上帝，甚至每一方都求助神的援助以反对另一方。任何人都可以要求上帝的帮助，来夺取他人用血汗得来的面包，这似乎很奇怪。可是我们不要批评别人，免得我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且也没有全部如愿过。上帝自有他自己的主宰。"由于罪恶，世界才会遭受苦难。因为罪恶总是要有的，然而那个制造罪恶的人，要受苦难。"假使%的人，要c3拦呐?a href=http:///qiyewenhua/guizhangzhidu/ target=_blank class=infotextkey>制度是这个过错的一种，而这些过错在上帝的领域里在所难免，但既已经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在要清洗这些过错。憩时，假使我们以上帝的名义让双方从事这惨烈的战争，作为对那引起这一过错的人的惩罚，我们可以认为这件事，与虔诚供奉一个存在的上帝的信徒们归功于他的那些圣德，并无差异。钜们怀着深挚的爱来盼望，我们怀着热忱来祈祷，希睇这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，一直等?50年来无偿劳力所聚积的财富化为乌有，等到鞭打所流的每一滴血，为用刀剑所流的每一滴血所偿付，那么我们也只好像三千年前所说的那样。"主的裁判是完全真实而且公道的。"

我们不对任何人怀有丝毫恶意，我们对任何人都抱着好感，上帝令我们看到哪一边是对的，就坚定地信仰对的一边，让我们继续奋斗完成我们正在进行的工作──去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾英勇作战的志士和他的遗属，去从事一切的努力以达成并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的一个公平而持久的和平.

第二篇：林肯第二次就职演说

林肯第二次就职演说

second inaugural address

by abraham lincoln march 4, 1865

fellow-countrymen:

at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of his great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it; all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving teing delivered from thisurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war-seeking to dissolve the union and divide effects by negotiation. both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. one-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern p

art of it. their slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.

all knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union even by war, while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible and pray to the same god, and each invokes his aid against the other.

it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god"s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men"s faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. "woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must need be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense comet."

if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of god, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern there in any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him?

fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that thi——ighty scourge of war may speedily pass away? yet, if god wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman"s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be

sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago so still it must be said "the judgments of the lord are true and righteous altogether."

with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as god gives us to see the might, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation"s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.

林肯第二次就职演说

（1865年3月4日）

一八88年当林肯再度当选连任总统职位时，美国仍为内战所分裂。当时战争的结果仍不能确定，而林肯的再度当选，成为北方人民决心作战到底争取最后胜利的一个令人振奋的表现。一八六五年三月四日当林肯宣誓就职时，局势清楚显示北方即将战胜，战争行将结束。在这篇就职演讲词中，林肯致力于讨论战后美国人民将面临的重大课题。林肯希望避免一切过错与惩罚的问题。当他准备实施这项政策时，一个刺客的枪弹葬送了他的崇高理想。

各位同胞：

在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我

们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。

我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。

我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难，因为罪恶总是要来的；
然而那个作恶的人，要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免，但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶；
假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的(转载请注明来源www.HAOWOrD.Com)信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着，我们热忱地祈祷着，希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消，那么我们仍然只能说，「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。」

我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，上帝让我们看到正确的事，我们就坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在进行的工作，去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。

第三篇：林肯第二次就职演说abraham lincoln's second__ inaugural address

abraham lincoln"s second inaugural address

fellow-countrymen:

at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention, and

engrosses the enerergies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is, i trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it—all sought to avert it. while the inaugeral address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissole the union,1

and divide effects, by negotiation. both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. and the war came.

one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the union, but localized in the southern part of it. these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. to strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union, even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible, and pray to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god"s assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men"s faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. the prayers of both could not be answered;

that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. "woe unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!" if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offences which, in the providence of god, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both north and south, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope—fervently do we pray—that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. yet, if god wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man"s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the lord, are true and righteous altogether"

with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as god gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation"s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his

widow, and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations. 林肯第二次就职演说

（1865年3月4日）

各位同胞：在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中，不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候，对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明，似乎是适当的。现在四年任期已满，在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中－－这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀，还且占用了国家大部分力量－－都经常发布文告，所以现在很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展，是一切其它问题的关键所在，各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的，而我相信进展的情况，可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望，那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。

四年前在与此同一场合里，所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它，想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说，竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦，然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦－－他们力图瓦解联邦，并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争，可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存，另一方则宁可接受这场战争，而不愿国家灭亡，于是战争就来临了。

我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴，他们并非遍布整个联邦，而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益，反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦，而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初，任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到目前那么大的范围，持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止，甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利，都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经，祈祷于同一个上帝，甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方，人们竟敢求助于上帝，来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包，这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家，免得别人判断我们。

我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿，而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难，因为罪恶总是要来的；
然而那个作恶的人，要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一，而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免，但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间，他现在便要消除这些罪恶；
假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上，作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚，难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着，我们热忱地祈祷着，希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是，假使上帝要让战争再继续下去，直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有，并像三千年前所说的那样，等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血，被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消，那么我们仍然只能说，「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。」

我们对任何人都不怀恶意，我们对任何人都抱好感，上帝让我们看到正确的事，我们就坚定地信那正确的事，让我们继续奋斗，以完成我们正在进行的工作，去治疗国家的创伤，去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀，尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。

第四篇：林肯就职演说

林肯的就职演讲稿(中英文版)

2014年07月15日 星期日 下午 12:10the gettysburg address

gettysburg, pennsylvania

november 19, 1863

fourscore and seven years ago,our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation,conceived and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

now we are egaged in a great civil war,testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and dedicated can long endure.we are met on the battelfield of that war.we have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final-resting place for those who gave their lives that the nation might live.it is altogether and proper that we should do this.

but, in a larger sense,we can not dedicate,we can not consecrate,we can not hallow this ground.the brave men,living and dead,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world will little note what we say here,but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us,the living,rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us,that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion,that the nation shall have a new birth of freedom,that the goverment of the people by the people and for the people shall not perish from the earth.

主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日

地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。

但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；
我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；
我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

第五篇：林肯就职演说原文1

林肯的第二任总统就职演说

这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是：

at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper. now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engrosses the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented. the progress of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. all dreaded it--all sought to avert it. while the inaugural address was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to dissolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation. both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. and the war came.

one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not

distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it. these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war. to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the

insurgents would rend the union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained. neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease.

each looked for an easier triumph，and a result less fundamental and astounding. both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other. it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just god"s assistance in wringing their bread from

the sweat of other men"s faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. the prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. the almighty has his own purposes. "woe unto the world because of offence！ for it must needs be that offence s come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh！" if we shall suppose that american slavery is one of those offences which，in the providence of god，must needs come，but which，having continued through his appointed time，he now wills to remove，and that he gives to both north and south，this terrible war，as the woe due to those by whom the offence came，shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living god always ascribe to him? fondly do we hope--fervently do we pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. yet，if god wills that it continue，until all the wealth piled by the bond-man"s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk，and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash，shall be paid by another drawn with the sword，as was said three thousand years ago，so still it must be said "the judgments of the lord，are true and righteous altogether"

with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation"s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations.

最后两段译文：

(交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到面包；
但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答，任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；
祸哉此人，罪因其而来。”如果我们假设，美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一，此罪到了期限，神便定意除去这个制度，引发这一场可怖的南北战争，因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上，如同以往圣徒所描写的神的属性，神的作为难道会有任何偏差吗？我们热切地盼望--恒切地祷告--这场惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去。然而，如果神定意让战争持续下去，直到我们从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去，及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂，就如同我们在三千年前所说，而今天仍要再说的那样：“主的审判信实，合乎公义。”

不以恶待人，而以仁爱相处。当神开启我们的眼，得见公义时，我们必须持守公义。让我们全力以赴，完成我们手中的工作，医治国家的创伤；
并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人，和那些寡妇、孤儿，不忘记关怀他们 - 让我们竭尽全力，达成在我们中间，及众民族之间的永久的公义和和平。

简单统计：

?讲演总字数：699

?提到上帝次数：10(god: 6; the almighty: 1; lord: 1; he: 2) ?提到祷告次数：3

?提到圣经次数：1

?引用圣经次数：2

所以只要读一下这篇讲演，就会知道林肯是怎样一位敬畏上帝，祈求上帝带领的人了！就如林肯传记《公民林肯》(lincoln the citizen)的作者惠特尼(henry whitney)所总结的：“(这篇演讲是)一串向神连绵不断的祈求，求祂对我们这个如火如荼的国家伸出援手。”

这篇讲演发生在1865年3月4号上午，当时在现场的记者noah brooks写到：“just at that moment the sun，which had been obscured all day，burst forth in its unclouded meridian splendor，and flooded the spectacle with glory and with light??was already standing in the shadow of death.”(林肯登台的一瞬间，阳光冲出了已盘踞了一整天的云层，放射出惊人的景象，荣耀和光辉如洪水般涌来??而此时，林肯已经站在了死亡的阴影之中。) -- 仅仅40天后，即同年4月15号，林肯在剧院里被谋杀了。

其实早年的林肯是一个无神论者，作为政治家，认为财富和权力更为重要。然而，随着美国内战战局的发展，林肯越来越感受到上帝的主权和公义，越来越依靠神，承认自己和人的无能为力，开始把国家的命运交托在神的手里。

例如，在1862年9月，在一个本来看似乐观的形势下，北方军却经历了在bull run的第二次战役的彻底失败，林肯开始认真的反思这次战争，并且考虑解放黑奴的具体计划。这时，他写下了“meditation on the divine will”(对神旨意的思想)的文章。英文原文是：“the will of god prevails. in great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of god. both may be，and one must be，wrong. god can not be for and against the same thing at the same time. in the present civil war it is quite possible that god"s purpose is something different from the purpose of either party-and yet the human instrumentalities，working just as they do，are of the best adaptation to affect his purpose.”翻译是：“上帝的旨意必成就。在内战中，双方都认为自己所行的符合上帝的旨意，但至少有一方是错的，因为上帝不可能自相矛盾。上帝的旨意不同于我们的目标，但是上帝使用我们作为器皿成就祂的旨意。”

在林肯将被谋杀的最后时刻，据d. james kennedy的《what if the bible had never been written》一书，林肯坐在戏院里，对妻子玛丽说的最后的话是：“你知道我现在想做什么吗？我想带你到中东去旅行。”“我们要去祂(主耶稣)

诞生的伯利恒。我们要拜访伯大尼，随着那条圣洁脚踪所行过的路途走。然后我们上耶路(耶路撒冷)??”